How Madoff did it

The Ponzi fraud made fools of his investors, Wall Street, and federal regulators.

by Alyssa A. Lappen
FrontPage Magazine | Dec. 22, 2008

“The fool is obstinate, and doubteth not; he knoweth all things but his own ignorance.”
— Akhenaten (d. 1336 BCE)

No doubt, 16th century British writer Thomas Tusser (“A fool and his money are soon parted”) and 19th century showman P.T. Barnum (“There’s a sucker born every minute”) would have recognized them among an ever-rising number of glamorous clients victimized by the decades-long alleged Ponzi scam of former hedge fund manager and NASDAQ chairman Bernard Madoff. Some $50 billion evaporated, a figure also likely to grow in what may be remembered as the greatest investment fraud of all time.

Madoff is now on a collateral-secured $10 million bond, confined to his $7 million New York apartment with an electronic monitor and 24 hour daily curfew. Death threats reportedly assail the former hedge fund manager.

But the biggest fools may be at the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), which failed to properly police the U.S. financial markets. The Securities and Exchange Act of 1934 established rules to prevent such fraud. Observed SEC Chairman from 1937 to 1939 and Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, “without an SEC ‘shotgun in the closet,’ there was little incentive for an industry self-regulatory organization [SRO] to perform the unpleasant task of disciplinarian.”

The SEC long ago shelved its shotgun, too often letting financial villains escape with little or no punishment. University of Texas law professor Robert Prentice in 2002 cataloged a long history of abuses showing the need for stringent federal securities industry oversight.

Madoff was but one more case, albeit a giant one. He “kept several sets of books and false documents, and provided false information involving his advisory activities to investors and to regulators,” said SEC chairman Christopher Cox, admitting concern over possible SEC corruption. In 2007, Madoff’s niece and compliance attorney, Shana Madoff, married former SEC attorney and inspections officer Eric Swanson, who left the commission in 2006.

Over the years, plenty of fingers pointed at Madoff. The SEC could have collected sufficient evidence to lower the boom. It was certainly available.

As long ago as 1991, according to my former colleague Jack Willoughby, “the SEC charged two Florida accountants with raising $440 million in unregistered investment pools run by an unnamed broker who ultimately turned out to be Madoff. The funds were shut down.” Madoff, though, kept operating.

In 2000, a Boston securities trader and army reservist in intelligence and unconventional warfare, Harry Markopolos, alerted the SEC to his suspicions. Madoff attributed his investment prowess to buying and selling options on 30 to 35 stocks in the Standard & Poor’s 100 index, while also owning those same stocks. However Markopolos concluded, given the sums he claimed to manage, there were simply too few S&P 100 options then available to yield Madoff’s purported 12% annual returns.

After a colleague also questioned those results, Markopolos tested his thesis. The Boston trader attempted but failed to duplicate Madoff’s results, even using Madoff’s supposed market-neutral, “collar” or “split-strike conversion,” methodology. So Markopolos bought Standard & Poor’s 100 Index puts (rights to sell specific stock at a certain price on a set date) and sold out-of-the-money calls (rights to buy stock at set, higher-than-market price on a certain date) for the blue-chip stocks he also owned. The idea was to limit gains on a stock while preventing steep share price declines, thus producing good returns regardless of the market environment. No dice. The strategy did not work as Madoff claimed.

Markopolos then consulted Boston financial mathematician Daniel DiBartolomeo. He confirmed that Madoff’s strategy could literally not achieve his purported results. Markopolos and DiBartolomeo were not alone. In 2001, Barron’s reported that Madoff competitors, and some former investors had also likewise determined the strategy did not compute. They speculated that, as a trader, Madoff probably profited by “front-running” his customers—buying stocks before them, at lower prices, and quickly selling at slight markups. Any “seasoned hedge-fund investor knows the split-strike conversion is not the whole story,” one former Madoff investor told Barron’s. “To take it at face value is a bit naive.”

Also in 2001, the London-based MAR Hedge Fund Report questioned the ability of Madoff’s “feeder” Fairfield Sentry and Tremont Advisor funds “to provide such smooth returns with so little volatility.” One mutual fund with a similar method had since 1978 “experienced far greater volatility and lower returns during the same period.” It looked especially fishy, since Madoff Securities claimed to take no management fees, but to profit only from incentive fees off returns.

Meanwhile, Madoff not only managed the funds. His firm also executed commission-generating trades, and even cleared them—a clear conflict of interest. MAR cited over 15 traders, options strategists and hedge fund managers, wondering aloud why no one could match him. Former investors also disliked his secrecy, demands for asset custody and clearing, and his inability to explain specific results.

Increasingly suspicious of fraud, Markopolos continued pursuing his quarry more zealously. On Nov. 7, 2005, “under section 21A(e) of the 1934 Act” prohibiting front-running customer orders, he filed a 19-page memo entitled “The world’s largest hedge fund is a fraud.” Based on mathematical calculations concerning options and derivatives, statements from Madoff investors, Markopolos argued that Madoff ran a Ponzi scheme. He also noted that the fund was not organized as a hedge fund, but acted and traded like one, allowing third party fund of funds “to private label hedge funds” that in turn provided his broker-dealer and Electronic Communications Network (ECN) “with equity tranch funding.”

Thanks,” the SEC New York branch chief replied the same day. Whatever later transpired, Madoff continued operating.

In 2006, another warning came in. The SEC interviewed Madoff as well as former SEC official Jeffrey Tucker, who had then operated Madoff’s Fairfield Sentry “feeder” fund. The SEC concluded Fairfield Sentry “hadn’t properly disclosed to investors” Madoff’s direct control over its investments. Madoff registered, but kept operating.

Meanwhile, the SEC had foundered for decades as it empowered the financial industry to police itself through self-regulatory organizations (SRO) like the Washington, D.C.-based Financial Industry Regulatory Authority (FINRA). In 1977 the SEC blessed creation of the Securities Industry Conference on Arbitration (SICA), a group of SROs, the Securities Industry Association and “public members” to create a Uniform Code of Arbitration (UCA).

Had SEC officials considered more carefully, they might have noted the folly of trusting financial bodies and commercial institutions to protect investors while also governing themselves. Alas, the 1980s UCA code required U.S. investors, securities brokers, and their staff to accept, in advance, involuntary contracts requiring all future securities-related disputes to be resolved via binding arbitration. Even the Supreme Court played a critical role: It ratified these measures, in 1987, 1989 and 1991 decisions, mandating that even securities-related racketeering [1] charges be processed through binding arbitration.

A large percentage of those whom Madoff “exploited” were prominent Jewish community leaders and organizations, including film-maker Steven Spielberg, humanist and Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel. publisher Mort Zuckerman. New Jersey Senator Frank Lautenberg, Hadassah and New York’s Yeshiva University. Hadassah, which runs Jerusalem’s world-famous Hadassah Hospital, lost $90 million, nearly a fifth of its $500 million endowment.

On Manhattan’s Upper East Side, Fifth Avenue Synagogue members, including synagogue chairman Ira Rennert, lost some $2 billion. That community is particular devastated since synagogue president J. Ezra Merkin’s investment firm had introduced many clients to Madoff. Merkin’s Ascot Partners lost some $1.8 billion in the fraud. Former L.F. Rothschild banker and the onetime mayor of Fort Lee, N.J., Burt Ross, also reportedly lost $5 million, virtually all of his personal financial assets.

The massive declines have now also begun to compromise FBI counter terror investigations, as the agency is forced to shift federal agents to the Madoff case, to determine how such a vast fraud escaped notice for so long.

Meanwhile, lobbyists and politicians reportedly received some $400,000 in Madoff donations over the years.

The biggest fool may have been Madoff, who inadvertently destroyed himself.

But besides his investors, the SEC and the Courts were also made to look like fools. Swift justice.

NOTES
[1] Stephan Landsman, “ADR and the cost of compulsion; The Civil Trial: Adaptation and Alternatives,” Stanford Law Review, No. 5, Vol. 57, Apr. 1, 2005, Pg. 1593.
________________________________________________
Alyssa A. Lappen is a former Senior Fellow of the American Center for Democracy, former Senior Editor of Institutional Investor, Working Woman and Corporate Finance, and former Associate Editor of Forbes. Her website is www.AlyssaaLappen.org.


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All Rights Reserved.
Printing is allowed for personal use only | Commercial usage (For Profit) is a copyright violation and written permission must be granted first.

What fate for the Big Three?

Michael Savage Interview
Radio appearance | Dec. 16, 2008

Alyssa A. Lappen describes Chapter 11. Filing for court protection and reorganization—invented to save 19th railroads and prevent them from literally melting down and scrapping the rails—may give the U.S. auto giants their best shot at survival and recovering a few profits.

chapter-11-vs-govt-bailout-for-auto-giants



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Three for Chapter 11

threeforchapter111

by Alyssa A. Lappen
FrontPage Magazine | Dec. 15, 2008

As North America headed into the 2008 Winter Solstice, economists darkly predicted that U.S. unemployment would rise from a current 6.7 percent to 8.1 percent by December 2009. On average, 54 economists surveyed expected the nation to lose more than 160,000 “non-farm” jobs monthly by then. Even economists, notorious for making inaccurate predictions, clearly saw financial conditions spinning out of control, driven by subprime mortgages, failing banks – and desperate U.S. automakers.

What to do? As automakers pushed for a $14 billion bailout, the latest Congressional proposal snagged on excessive labor costs. President Bush apparently succumbed to scare tactics claiming that a single car maker “shut down” could cost up to 3.3 million jobs. Last Friday, December 12, Bush proposed redirecting some of the Treasury Department’s $700 billion financial Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) to General Motors, Ford and Chrysler, calling it “irresponsible” to allow them to fail.

Not everyone agrees with climbing on the bailout bandwagon. “Let market forces play out,” advises associate dean at Dartmouth’s Tuck School of Business, Matthew J. Slaughter. “The way to solve that problem is not to lend more money to GM,” agrees investment activist William Ackman. New York Times business reporter Micheline Maynard reminds, “Bankruptcy does not mean liquidation.”

Filing for Chapter 11 bankruptcy may be complex, even messy, but reorganizing a company is not a prescription for failure. No industry ever walked from owing $100 billion to total shutdown in one step. Rather, reorganization offers troubled companies the best possible opportunity to reshape and rejuvenate themselves. Six major airlines—including United, Delta, Northwest, and Continental—all filed for Chapter 11 and emerged with real hopes for profit. Such large and small steel companies as National Steel, Bethlehem Steel, Wheeling-Pittsburgh, Kaiser, Bayou, Weirton Steel, and many others have leveraged Chapter 11 to emerge as stand-alone companies—or to sell a leaner version of themselves to competitors.

The same is possible for Detroit: If GM, Ford, and Chrysler went belly-up, George Mason University economics chairman Don Boudreaux forecasts, jobs would not evaporate in disproportionate numbers. Bankruptcy would not cause their factories, machines, markets, worker skills, contracts for raw materials—or even consumer demand—to “disappear.” Reorganization, Bourdreaux says, is the best way to discover demand—and if it is found wanting, auto industry productivity is usable elsewhere, he notes. A bailout would only waste that productivity, pouring it inefficiently into broken companies, impeding their recovery, and saddling taxpayers with huge subsidies. There are also other side effects. Unless big, unprofitable companies seek Chapter 11, he warns, eventually all U.S. companies will stream into Washington for their “special subsidy” and “blank check.”

For instance, auto parts manufacturers are hurting, too. Since October 2000, U.S. auto parts suppliers lost 323,000 jobs, 38 percent of their total. By the end of 2010, one forecaster expects up to 25 percent of auto parts suppliers to file for Chapter 11, and shave another 100,000 jobs from their payrolls. But no one stopped buying U.S. auto parts—and auto parts makers aren’t lining up in Washington for handouts. Yet.

There are a number of advantages to a timely reorganization for the auto industry. In Chapter 11, (not Chapter 7 liquidation), GM:

* Could reorganize and negotiate with creditors to settle its debts;
* Could compete with foreign car makers, which garnered more than 30 percent of the 7.8 million retail auto sales in 2006, up from 25 percent in 1985 (the year U.S. sales peaked at 11 million); and
* Could escrow funds to back GM warranties, reassuring consumers.

There are two other significant reasons to consider a bailout:

* GM stockholders have little to lose. Shares, which traded down to $1.70 in the last 12 months, even at their $3.94 close on December 12, have lost roughly 90 percent of their value since January; and
* Reorganization money is available from surpluses within General Motors itself. GM’s pension for 400,000 retirees is overfunded by $18.8 billion, and its salaried workers’ plan is overfunded by $500 million. A $500 million shortfall for hourly workers could perhaps be funded by other GM pension surpluses.

Despite the advantages, General Motors Corp. CEO Richard Wagoner says he’s loathe to frighten potential buyers with a Chapter 11 filing. Yet as Chrysler’s chance of filing bankruptcy has risen, so has its market share, from 8.7 percent in July to 11.5 percent in November.

Wagoner may be bluffing. It seems he has plans for the inevitable. According to the Wall Street Journal, GM hired bankruptcy maven Harvey Miller of Weil Gotshal & Manges, restructuring veteran Jay Alix, William Repko of Evercore Partners, Arthur Newman of Blackstone Group, and Martin Bienenstock at Dewey & LeBoeuf LLP. Miller worked on Lehman Brothers, Bethlehem Steel Corp., and Marvel Entertainment Group bankruptcies, while Bienenstock worked on Enron.

Even some auto workers are fed up enough to cry uncle. One GM line manager opposed a government bailout in his November 13 call to NPR’s OnPoint. Although edited out of the MP3 file posted online, the manager supported Chapter 11 filings. Another caller from Avon, Connecticut, quipped that auto manufacturers had raised a gun to Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson’s head and proven their poor financial management skills.

Detroit, dig in, and clean up your own mess. Taxpayers are tapped out.

meetushalfway58780_600

Alyssa A. Lappen is a former Senior Fellow of the American Center for Democracy, former Senior Editor of Institutional Investor, Working Woman and Corporate Finance, and former Associate Editor of Forbes. Her website is www.AlyssaaLappen.org.


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Hugging Shari’a finance at the Fed

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How tough is Obama’s new economic tough guy?

by Alyssa A. Lappen
Frontpage Magazine | Dec. 10, 2008

The first market day after President-elect Obama announced plans to appoint Federal Reserve Bank of New York president Timothy Geithner as Secretary of the U.S. Treasury, U.S. equities rose 6.5%. Pundits praised his experience handling crises and understanding of the troubled economy. But possibly, the market hoopla was premature, or even unwarranted. Some analysts seek his retirement.

As turmoil built, Geithner criticized Wall Street’s self-regulatory system, negative incentives and market forces, sought tighter supervision and berated insufficient “derivative securities” regulation and “credit-default” swaps allowing investors to “insure” against loses—only to fail. The Treasury Department’s former attache to the International Monetary Fund had overseen U.S. responses to the 1990s Mexican, Indonesian and Korean bailouts. But at the Fed, Geithner did not use regulatory powers to check abuses, or advocate for more regulation, impartial supervision or new laws. He even concluded that markets were improving—and after Bear Stearns’ collapse confessed, nobody “understands [the causes] yet.”

Worst of all, since Nov. 2003, Geithner let dangerous new Islamic and shari’a-based securities, markets and financial institutions gain business currency—despite the Fed’s role in U.S. monetary policy, currency distribution, government securities markets, legal supervision, regulatory enforcement, bank and capital markets investigation, foreign accounts and a payments mechanism handling over $4 trillion daily in funds and securities transfers. Not to mention Fed officials’ admitted lack of understanding.

On July 1, 2004, eight months after Geithner assumed command, the New York Fed hosted Asim Ghanfoor (sic), AG Group founder and managing director, to address its Seventh Annual Global Economic Forum on “ABCs of Islamic Financing” and Islam’s increasing global financial role. A month later, Senators Charles Grassley and John Kyl identified Ghafoor as a representative of Boston’s terror-funding Boston’s Care International, the Global Relief Foundation (GRF) and the Al Harimain Islamic Foundation, which the U.S. Treasury specially designated a terrorist organization in September 2004 and again in June 2008.

In fairness, the New York Fed began authorizing obscure shari’a banking institutions, structured shari’a issues, and opaque trading of the cottage industry’s myriad novel securities long before Geithner arrived. “Islamic bankers have been quite ingenious in developing financial transactions that suit their needs,” New York Fed first vice president Ernest T. Patrikis told an Islamic Finance conference in May 1996. “We bank supervisors, too, can be ingenious and will want to work with any of you should you decide that you want to engage in Islamic banking” in the U.S.

The dangers of Islamic finance should have been apparent. From 1996 on, all 12 Federal Reserve banks received, and were charged to enforce many Treasury Department Office of Foreign Assets Control circulars designating Islamic groups and banks as terrorist-financing institutions, organizations and individuals. In 1998, OFAC warned the Fed against transactions with Osama bin Laden and his affiliates, in 1999 froze Taliban assets, in 2002 reminded banks to check customers against known terrorist lists and in 2003 warned against trading with any unnamed counter-party.

Meanwhile, had the Fed only noticed, there were warning signs elsewhere too. In 1999, Saudi scholar Mohammad Nejatullah Siddiqi proposed at Harvard that banning interest would “cure the ills of contemporary finance,” “create a safer, saner financial world,” incorporate the “institution of waqf [Islamic trust]” in economics and create “morally inspired” behavior. In 2001, Siddiqi openly labeled shari’a finance a revolution-driver—an “universal endeavor” to replace “excesses of capitalism.”

Alarm bells should have gone off at a New York Fed event on Nov. 21, 2002, furthermore, where shari’a banking proponent Wafiq Fannoun described Islam [not only] as “Peace through submission to Allah (God),” however, “revelation-based [the Qur’an, Hadith] … complete way of life” — that is, a system of religious law proscribed by the U.S. Constitution from inclusion in secular legislation or regulatory systems. Equally at odds with Constitutional law and Western capitalism are other Islamic notions he described—namely that Allah is both creator and “owner” of all material things, and that “individuals” may not possess “natural resources important to society.” as “alternative financing for Muslims” and others recognizing individual ownership rights.

True enough, most of that happened before Geithner ran the New York Fed. But after Geithner took the helm in November 2003, the bank missed several still more critical red flags on Islamic banking.

First came Basel II Capital Accord, supposedly designed to strengthen the “regulatory capital framework” for big international banks. Authorities increasingly expected to trust banks to internally assess their own credit and operational risks. However, in July 2004 Switzerland’s Bank for International Settlements (BIS) reported, 53% of Middle Eastern bank supervisory staffs lacked the necessary training to meet Basel II’s December 2007 deadline. Middle Eastern banks originated and still predominate in Islamic banking. Nevertheless, by 2007, they still needed historical data to fashion reliable risk models but instead counted on “heavy” collateral and “exceptional” economic conditions to eliminate risks.

Islamic institutions had manufactured “special purpose entities” (SPEs)—renamed, “special-purpose vehicles (SPVs)”—such as coincidentally helped destroy Enron. These legal devices restructured “interest-bearing debt, collecting interest [as] rent or [a] price mark-up,” Rice University Islamic economics chairman Mahmoud el-Gamal warned in May 2007. “Interest-based” Islamic finance equaled “shari’a arbitrage,” concerned only “religious identity” and merely employed Western securitization methods to transform liquid, traceable cash flows from interest-bearing debt into illiquid, opaque assets.

Shari’a banking, though, had far fewer regulatory and accounting protections than sub-prime mortgages—and like “portfolio insurance” in 1987, mortgage-backed bonds in 1994, and sub-prime mortgages in 2008, could also cause huge market declines. Islamic banking purveyors admitted shari’a regulations could “override commercial decisions;” didn’t “standardize” documentation; and used complex “inter-creditor agreements” and “off-balance sheet financing.”

Even hosting hosting Islamic financier Asim Ghafoor, a representative to three terror-funding organizations, on July 1, 2004 apparently gave no one inside Geithner’s Fed reason to pause from its rush to further accommodate shari’a banking.

In March 2005, New York Fed general counsel Thomas C. Baxter Jr. asserted the Constitutional “wall of separation between church and state” Thomas Jefferson had described was “not absolute.” Chief Justice Warren Burger had in 1984 suggested that the Constitution “affirmatively mandates accommodation, not merely tolerance, of all religions,” Baxter told an Islamic financial industry “Legal Issues” seminar. “[S]ecular law should … accommodate differing religious practices,” he indicated, apparently even if that meant specially excepting Islamic banking from secular laws and regulations.

In April 2005, New York Fed executive vice president William Rutledge admitted that the bank was “in no position to take a stance on shari’a interpretation.” He also claimed the bank would hold Islamic finance to “the same high licensing and supervision standards” as conventional banks.

Despite the New York Fed’s role as a legal supervisor of Islamic banking, neither Rutledge nor Geithner noticed, however, that shari’a banking, a 20th century “tradition” invented by the Muslim Brotherhood, can’t be severed from Islamic law—statutes that Mohammed initiated, which caliphs, scholars and jurists developed over the last 1,400 years. They hold that shari’a grants Muslims (the ummah) supremacy over all others—along with all land and property to hold in trust for Allah. Thus as Fannoun effectively told the Fed in Nov. 2002, land or property, once conquered or acquired by Muslims (or for Allah), can’t generally revert to their original owners. Shari’a commands Muslims to wage jihad warfare until they subdue all “infidels” under universal Muslim rule, as Ibn Khaldun avowed in the Muqaddimah (trans., Franz Rosenthal, Princeton Univ. Press, 9th printing, 1989, p. 183).

Confiscating possessions from non-believers exacts “revenge,” wrote jurist Abul Hasan al Mawardi (d. 1058). Qur’an 57:2 argued, “To Him belongs all dominions of the heavens and earth.” Qur’an 59:7 echoed, “That which Allah giveth as spoil [war booty] unto his Messenger…,” Allah authorized 2nd Islamic Caliph, Umar Ibn Khattab, to confiscate property by force, fulfilling an Islamic trust, or ruling under Allah’s law. It was thereby just to take anything from nonbelievers, (The Laws of Islamic Governance, Taha Publishing, 1996, pp. 207-251) including all territories Islam ever controlled.

Apparently, Fed officials also neglected to investigate the alliances and beliefs of shari’a advisors and their affiliates in the Accounting and Auditing Organization for Islamic Financial Institutions (AAOIFI) and Islamic Financial Services Board (IFSB) standards agencies.

The shari’a-based Islamic Development Bank established the AAOIFI in 1990 to set Islamic finance standards. Its trustees include executives of Kuwait Finance House, Saudi Arabia’s Dallah al Baraka Group and al-Rajhi Banking & Investment Corporation—all implicated in al-Qaeda and other terror-funding—and Sudanese (and until recently Iranian) officials, both U.S. Treasury-sanctioned countries.

Former Malaysian Prime Minister Mohamed Mahathir in 2002 christened IFSB “a universal Islamic banking system” and “a jihad worth pursuing….” Its board members include the terror-funding Iranian, Sudanese and Syrian central banks and Palestinian Monetary Authority.

Yusuf Qaradawi, an U.S.-designated foreign terrorist barred entry since 1999 for example, supports wife-beating, suicide bombings, murder of American military forces and female suicide “martyr operations.” A large shareholder of Al Taqwa Bank, Qaradawi also chairs the recently designated terrorist-funding Union of Good “charity,” Qatar National Bank, its al-Islami subsidiary, Qatar Islamic Bank, and Qatar International Islamic Bank—and follows AAOIFI standards he helped create.

Similarly, Dow Jones Islamic Market Indexes (DJIM) shari’a board uses “stringent and published” methods to determine “compliance of index-eligible companies.” But its industry screens, financial ratios and biographies omit advisors’ affiliations or beliefs. Dow Jones Citigroup Sukuk Index (DJCSI’s shari’a board certifies Islamic asset-backed bonds if structures meet “AAOIFI standards” and shari’a principles, but don’t mention AAOIFI history or governance.

Until July 2008, shari’a banks, the Dow Jones Islamic Index board and an North American Islamic Trust (NAIT) fund also employed a 20-year veteran of Pakistan’s Shari’a Supreme Court, former judge Taqi Usmani, who taught at the Taliban spawning ground, Jamia Darul Uloom Karachi, headed the AAOIFI religious board, endorsed suicide bombing, and in 2007 advised U.K. Muslims to impose shari’a when their numbers suffice.

Shari’a finance advisor Muslim Brother Yusuf Talal DeLorenzo advised Pakistan’s tyrannical Zia ul-Haq from 1981 to 1984, and ran the Virginia Islamic Saudi Academy educational program cited in 2008 for using hateful Islamic texts. Trained at Karachi’s terror-espousing Jamia Al Alomia Al Islamia, he served the Muslim Brotherhood International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT) and from 1989, was secretary to the MB’s Fiqh Council of North America.

Perhaps Treasury Secretary-designate Geithner seriously meant to keep Rutledge’s promise to grant Islamic financiers no special favors. But allowing shari’a finance to exist at all is itself a special favor.

Moreover, on November 23, 2008 Geithner, Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke agreed to add another $20 billion taxpayer-gilded bailout to Citibank’s previous $25 billion bailout—and offer $306 billion in new loans to cover Citi’s losses on soured real estate debts and securities.

Only three days earlier Citigroup uber-shareolder Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, a godfather of Islamic finance, had announced plans to up his stake in America’s largest (failing and “underpriced”) bank from 4% to 5%. On March 20, 2006, the Saudi Kingdom Holding Co. CEO was “honored for humanitarian contribution to Islam” at a “glittering gala to celebrate excellence in Islamic Finance” that also featured terror-financier and Dallah al-Baraka founder and president Saleh Abdullah Kamel.


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All Rights Reserved.
Printing is allowed for personal use only | Commercial usage (For Profit) is a copyright violation and written permission must be granted first.